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The temple was intended as a religious center, as well as a site for the safekeeping and transmission of knowledge. Thus, at the beginning, the temple was made up of one shrine of relicts, and one facility for translating the religious and philosophical scriptures from Sanskrit into Chinese. From here it spread to the entire eastern world, in particular to Japan. Accompanied by Zen, the development of the marital arts progressed quickly. The two realms are thus inseparably connected to one another. In the Shaolin temple, the martial arts were practiced both for self-defense and for physical fitness.

Of equal importance was the practice of martial arts for mental development.

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Bodhidharma taught breathing techniques and exercises, which were presumably the foundation of the later Shaolin Temple boxing. In the Shaolin temple, the martial arts were practiced both for self-defense and for physical fitness. Of equal importance was the practice of martial arts for mental development. Bodhidharma taught breathing techniques and exercises, which were presumably the foundation of the later Shaolin Temple boxing. This event is historically documented. These men performed such a good service to the Emperor, that he allowed the temple to train five hundred warrior monks.

Approximately thirteen hundred years ago, during the first period of prosperity, fifteen hundred monks lived on the temple grounds. Five hundred of these monks were trained in martial arts. The fighting strength of the monks made such a strong impression on the emperor, that he became afraid of them. The s were a defining period in other respects as well.

Kennedy and Guo are silent on the question of his political affiliation, though they note that he was arrested for being a Communist with surprising frequency. The first such incident occurred early in Of course this was when the Nationalists retook Shanghai and, in a surprise turn, Chiang Kai-shek sought to purge his party of its Communist wing. During or shortly after this event Tang Hao was also arrested on suspicion of being a member of the Communist Party.

They arranged for him to visit Japan where he studied political science and law. Of course this also gave Tang Hao a chance to observe the Japanese method of integrating martial arts instruction directly into the mainstream educational institutions of the day. Like many other Chinese visitors during the period he was deeply impressed with what he saw. Other accounts state that he also studied Judo and Kendo, but I have not been able to verify the sources behind these assertions. Tang could not have arrived in Japan much before the summer of , and he left for Nanking after receiving an intriguing job offer in the summer of Given that he is remembered today almost entirely for his scholarly contributions, it is fascinating to note that this year abroad is the only formal higher education that Tang Hao seems to have received.

So in the summer of the Institute was reorganized, and new groups of individuals were brought in. Among these were such level-headed educational professionals as Tang Hao. On the surface it is hard to imagine any job that Tang Hao would have been better suited to. Still, it is interesting to stop and question why he was even offered this position.

After all, he was being offered a job with a regime that had recently jailed him on suspicion of being a Communist. And while Tang Hao would go on to become the most important martial arts historian of his generation, all of his most significant works were still in the future.

Once again Gu maintains his silence on these critical questions. If his new colleagues were expecting great things from Tang Hao they did not have long to wait.

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In he arranged an expedition back to Japan for his fellow institute member all noted martial artists and wrestlers. Gu states that the ostensible purpose of this trip was to survey the progress of the Chinese martial arts styles in Japan, yet I suspect that the delegation was probably just as interested in seeing the Japanese models for themselves. Upon returning from this mission Tang Hao presented his finding to the Institute. Given the state of the Japanese martial arts in the s it is hard to imagine that Tang Hao was not deeply impressed by what he saw of government sponsored Budo.

This call for practicality went well beyond the technical applications of the martial arts. Kennedy and Guo note repeatedly that he was just as interested in applying this same rubric to the historical and theoretical study of the martial arts. He abhorred what he considered to be the faux spirituality and mysticism of Republic era martial arts. He relentlessly attacked the shaky lineage claims and propensity towards secrecy that could be seen in so many popular styles.

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The martial arts were to be a vital part of training soldiers and defenders of the nation, not opera performers, temple troops or folk masters. This is precisely why his work is still consulted and discussed by historians today see Wile or Shahar to name just a few examples. For an extensive discussion this point see Michael Tsin. His assumptions on these core issues are fundamentally different from most of his modern readers. As such we should not be surprised to discover that they probably had an impact on how he interpreted the data that he encountered.

This basic set of assumptions seems to have bled over into how he viewed the many social locations of the martial arts. The social value of their supposed martial function was clear. These sorts of subaltern practices are either ignored or criticized. Increasingly historians are moving beyond asking simple questions about the origins of various styles and instead are attempting to use elements of the martial arts to understand aspects of the popular culture and larger social world of the Late Imperial and Republic periods. Within its pages Tang Hao boldly set out to gore as many sacred cows as possible, all in the name of reclaiming the martial arts as a rational, and potentially modern, aspect of Chinese physical culture.

Indeed this one volume seems to have accomplished the impossible. It brought together the disparate and feuding factions of the traditionalist community in a united dislike of Tang Hao and his historical criticisms. Nor am I entirely clear about how much cover and support the author received from his ostensible employer, on whose behalf the volume was published.

After meeting with the aggrieved parties he arranged a deal by which they would agree to back off, and Tang Hao later left town on his own accord.

Given the very real political clout of the Guoshu establishment one wonders why things were allowed to escalate to this point. Why was it necessary to bring in an outside arbiter? Once again, Gu deftly sidesteps these rather obvious questions. It is dangerous to hazard much of a guess about these issues at this historical remove. Following his departure from Nanjing he returned to Shanghai. There he put his newly acquired education to good use and began to practice law.

Gu recounts that during these years he became a practical hermit, dedicated only to his writing.


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Still, when he did emerge from his study he managed to get caught up in interesting and potentially dangerous events. Tang Hao also pursued his more practical interests in the martial arts during these years. The formation of this group seems to have been a result of the Japanese Invasion of Manchuria in the same year.

In Tang Hao and Chen Zi Ming undertook the difficult trip to Chen Village where, through both archival and field research, he would do some of his most important work on the history and evolution of Taiji. This work is still referenced in any serious discussion of the origins of Taiji Quan. As concerns about Japanese imperialism mounted in the late s Tang Hao redoubled his efforts to promote the martial arts, and Pi Ci in particular, as a training tool for the Chinese military.

Secrets of Shaolin Temple boxing

By he had his own organization drilling in the more modern sword and bayonet method and he was busy trying to develop different sorts of training equipment. That year also saw the publication of at least four more monographs. This incident inspired a strike at a Japanese spinning factory in Shanghai. This was an important and highly publicized event. Not surprisingly Chang Kai-shek saw things differently. Despite his prior problems with the government Tang Hao stayed in shanghai to act as defense council. He and Gu even managed to bring their new and improved Pi Ci training equipment into the prison to do a little bit of training with their friends and associates.

Shanghai was ultimately overrun by the Japanese in Rather than fleeing the city Tang Hao opted to stay and continued to work as a lawyer throughout the occupation. He had a number of important books, including his edited collection of Qing era archery manuals, published in Still, while he managed to stay intellectually active he was dogged by political problems. In the Chinese civil administration of the city working under the Japanese occupation sought to once again arrest Tang Hao on suspicion of activities for, or membership in, the Communist Party.

Tang Hao was tipped off about the imminent arrest by a well-connected local merchant and went into hiding in a rice warehouse.


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While in hiding he finished work on his Study of Shaolin Quan Secret Lessons , a refutation of a very popular, but also spurious, Shaolin manual that had been published in incidentally this is the same book that R. The volume was quickly typeset and published in by the Shanghai Modern Book Company. I have always been a little surprised that Tang Hao was able to publish so many volumes on the Chinese martial arts in the early years of the Japanese occupation of Shanghai.

Shortly after the release of this volume Tang made a critical error in judgment. He became convinced that the police were no longer interested in arresting him and so he returned home. After arriving he was incensed to discover that his precious files and research materials on the martial arts had been partially destroyed by rats.